The political party system dating

The upshot — which is the same for every city we have explored — is that the red and blue lines fall close to the middle of the gray band.

People sort into relationships with co-partisans, but not that much.

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Without getting too deep into the details, there’s a trade-off in how we define marriage here.

For instance, if we include same-sex pairs and pairs with different last names, we are both more likely to count nonmarried people as married (e.g., 20-something platonic, same-sex roommates — not our population of interest) and also more likely to count as married those in less “traditional” marriages, who are in the population we care about. First, 30 percent of married households contain a mismatched partisan pair.

Partisans married to like-partisans voted at much higher rates than partisans married to independents or to members of the opposite party.

The ruling African National Congress has been an overwhelming presence in the politics of post-apartheid South Africa.

In this graph, we situate each voter in his or her neighborhood, and we look at the percentage of the vote in that neighborhood that went to President Obama in 2012.

At least in these states, there’s about twice as much interparty marriage as interracial marriage.

We also evaluate the degree of sorting through another exercise: Suppose that all of us choose partners from the pool of people who share our age and geographic location.

In fact, except in overwhelmingly Democratic neighborhoods (which tend to be African-American neighborhoods), close to half of households are not Democratic-only or Republican-only.

This is likely to contribute to a more tempered political climate in battleground areas than we might first expect. Accounting for a voter’s state, age, gender, race and party, we see huge effects of household composition on voter turnout.

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